The Missing Roadmap in an Impossible Time
Many find solace in gathering across the Sudanese map, hoping to heal their wounds, bridge
distances, and build a bridge for serious dialogue, shared interests, and emerging with
objective, logical impressions that can be dissected and used to chart the course in all its hues
and repercussions. Everyone knows well that the race toward the unknown in Sudan has
begun, while Darfur remains stuck in the initial square, its political procession still clouded by
ambiguity. Perhaps events will outpace us as long as we cling to the old cloak that falsely
smells of prophecy, improvisation, isolation, and unilateralism, each trapped in their own
narrow confines.
This is a sad story that neither nourishes nor satisfies. I honestly believe that we, the people of
Darfur, at some point confused the cattle, and we all know that politics is the art of the
possible. There are equations that cannot remain trapped in an eternal phase but rather change
with time and place. The political method and theoretical thinking of all Darfurians were once
limited due to agitation, isolation, and unilateralism, disregarding the historical and natural
evolution of circumstances in Sub-Saharan Africa and Central Africa.
We, all Darfuris—as political currents and movements mature in organization and political
framework—have lost our credibility with others regarding strategic positioning. Relying on
others’ mentality as a mode of political thought in the previous form is a desperate attempt
that can only increase dependency. Since we are all part of Darfur’s essence in the conflict
and crisis, unfortunately, we have become ladders for violence and counter-violence by
Khartoum’s government and central politicians.
We discovered that we lack any clear program, serious thesis, or any political weight in
Sudanese equations and current political formulations, as we observe and experience
provocatively and openly, whether in Abuja or elsewhere. We do not even possess the
slightest detail on halting the political disintegration or how to enter as a full partner in
governing Sudan—not as a submissive follower or an excluded outsider.
The coming phase is critical, delicate, and sensitive for Darfuris. We have waited too long for
others to act on our behalf under the guise of tribe, religion, human rights, or Darfur’s
collective civil society. We chose peaceful expression and armed struggle as utopian means to
open channels of communication with the decision-making center in the state, reaching the
highest political and sovereign apex in Sudan. Yet we discovered that the sky does not rain
gold, fields are not minds, hot blood does not run in dead bodies, and cold blood has no place
in passionate bodies.
If we accept that romantic philosophy and thinking are merely alphabets for analyzing what
lies beneath our feet, with patience and waiting, then on the other hand, we had pinned hopes
on each other, Darfur’s sons, but we all failed miserably. We painfully uncovered the level of
paralysis and incapacitation afflicting our politicians here and there.
We cannot wait for the Sudanese critical phase to pass and then have no one to stand for
us—secretly or openly—in Sudanese history and lexicon, despite the great sacrifices and
blood oaths made by our people and loved ones. The bitter truth remains that we are still at
the bottom. Darfuris have yet to mount the “white horse,” attend the “sultan’s feast,” recover
from sorrows, or see victory signs and badges of bravery as marks of loyalty on our chests.
Sudanese politics has become a mockery and dark farce ridiculing the sacrifices made in
places like Kreeri and Um Dabrakat, sometimes in the name of a fabricated homeland,
sometimes in the name of lost rights, and other times in the name of nothing.
In any case, we are now at a crossroads: either to be Sudanese first, then Darfurian—one
body, one heart, one hand—or not to be at all. This is a truth that cannot be denied no matter
how we justify that it is still early for Darfuris to unite or that each player’s role is delayed or
in overtime.
Thus began the pessimistic prophets among us—especially those close to the regime—who
told us that despite our many proposals to engage with the realities on the ground, analyze
their currents, and scrutinize their components—even within the same tribe—along with
repeated defeats and frustrations, and despite mature political and organizational logic, we
found after a painful journey of reflection, stubbornness, and denial that there is only one
option left.
We are determined to pursue it and clarify our position definitively and decisively to the
whole world. Particularly since if we do not impose the political solution on the government,
we will be like those entering battle unarmed. The events unfolding around us affirm this.
There is no point wasting time on futile thinking, internal conflicts, or tribal disputes. We
must declare ourselves across the region as a unified body—a single political current or a
political movement with shared principles, strength, reference, program, influence, and
presence both civilian and military, strategic and political.
Indeed, the agreement between the Sudan Liberation Movement and the Popular Democratic
Front is a step toward this. Similarly, the coordination between the Sudan Liberation
Movement and Justice and Equality Movement is on the right path. Concepts must fertilize
one another just like other currents that have earned respect and recognition for having built
history and glory for their people.
How long shall we keep repeating our empty words that have exhausted us and neither satisfy
hunger nor enrich the thinking of the enlightened and liberals among us, let alone our rural,
nomadic, farming, and shepherding communities? How long shall we remain irrelevant in the
Sudanese map, unable to assert Darfur’s presence as a military and political force decisively
involved in Sudan’s destiny with dignity and pride, giving its opinion on unfolding events?
Silence or entering the fight unilaterally means nothing for Darfur, as it will be stuck between
two incapable parties. Even if we participate without coordinating with all factions, Darfuris
will be mere extras soothing others’ egos, whether for or against. Such a game is neither
beneficial for Darfur nor for the struggle of its people, as it would undermine the efforts of the
active movements.
Hence, we must define our position. We cannot tolerate this situation any longer. The politics
of probability and marginalization practiced against Darfur by the government and corrupt
elite currents will only strip us of respect, degrade us, and cement our marginalization forever.
The next choice is to declare to the world that we, all Darfuris, share common denominators
and ceilings. Within Sudan, we are united, cohesive currents with military and political
existence, just like others.
In any case, we have reached the conclusion that we are coming soon, inevitably, and that
we will be one of the pillars of Sudanese politics—whether others like it or not.
Until we meet on a free Sudanese platform where the vision and the full picture are complete.
